L’associazione Utopia rossa considera suo fondamento politico il principio secondo cui il fine non giustifica i mezzi, ma nei mezzi si deve riflettere l’essenza del fine. Non ha programmi politici, come del resto non ne aveva la Prima internazionale. Nonostante le più diverse provenienze ideologiche dei suoi sostenitori, essa ritiene che l’anticapitalismo dilagato dopo l’inizio dell’Antirivoluzione russa (dicembre 1917) sia stato motivato fondamentalmente da idee precapitalistiche, cioè retrograde, e non da progetti di civiltà in grado di superare il capitalismo sviluppando ulteriormente i suoi modelli di democrazia. Ciò spiega anche il prevalere, nella storia della cosiddetta «sinistra», di simpatie per i regimi dittatoriali di ogni specie e colore. Utopia rossa si batte contro l’ulteriore diffusione di ideologie precapitalistiche vecchie e nuove (in campo politico, culturale, ecologico, religioso ecc.), come parte della sua battaglia per il superamento del capitalismo, se si vuole salvare la vita sulla Terra con la sua umanità. In questo senso la sua utopia continua ad essere rossa.

The Red Utopia association considers its political foundation to be the principle that the end does not justify the means, but that the means must reflect the essence of the end. It has no political program, just as the First International did not. Despite the diverse ideological backgrounds of its supporters, it believes that the anti-capitalism that spread after the start of the Russian Anti-Revolution (December 1917) was fundamentally motivated by pre-capitalist – that is, retrograde – ideas, and not by civilizational projects capable of overcoming capitalism and of further developing its democratic models. This also explains the prevalence, throughout the history of the so-called «left», of sympathies for dictatorial regimes of all kinds and colors. Red Utopia fights against the further spread of old and new pre-capitalist ideologies (in the political, cultural, ecological, religious, and other fields) as part of its battle to overcome capitalism, if life on Earth, including its humanity, is to be saved. In this sense, its utopia remains red.

PER SAPERNE DI PIÙ CI SONO UNA COLLANA DI LIBRI E UN BLOG IN VARIE LINGUE…

Visualizzazione post con etichetta UNESCO. Mostra tutti i post
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mercoledì 20 marzo 2024

The International Association 

Friends of CeDInCI was born


ENGLISH - ITALIANO - ESPAÑOL - PORTUGUÊS


We, the undersigned, social researchers from different countries around the world, are the first members of the International Association of Friends of CeDInCI, founded in March 2024.

The aim of our Association is to support the work of CeDInCI, especially in a context where the aggressive policies by the new Argentinean government are putting its continuity at risk.

The Centre for Documentation and Research on Left-wing Culture (CeDInCI, by its Spanish acronym) is a non-profit civil association founded in the city of Buenos Aires in April 1998. Its primary goal is preserving the cultural heritage of the left and social movements in Latin America.  For 26 years, it has managed to assemble complete collections of the most important publications produced in the continent by political, cultural, trade union, student, human rights, women's and sexual dissidence organizations, becoming the main source of reference in studies on the left, both in Argentina and the whole region.

The CeDInCI's Newspaper Library currently holds 10.000 collections of periodicals, its Library has an estimated 160.000 volumes, its Archive safeguards 165 personal collections of activists, intellectuals and artist, 2000 political pins, 2500 posters, 6000 photographs, 300 old records and 40.000 flyers. It also holds around a hundred original works of art by renowned artists.

CeDInCI hosts researchers and research projects sponsored by scientific organizations from Argentina and abroad, housing a dozen Conicet researchers and another dozen doctoral and postdoctoral fellows. Its digital resources, such as the Latin American magazines portal AméricaLee and the Biographical Dictionary of the Latin American Left, as well as the sites Sex and Revolution and the image bank Imagoteca, are widely visited by researchers, journalists, educators and the general public.

CeDInCI's headquarters welcomes at least 2,000 readers yearly. A high percentage of them are scholarship holders from universities in Europe and America.

CeDInCI has received numerous recognitions for its work and heritage. In 2015, its Collection of the Southern Cone Workers' Press 1863-1973 was declared "Documentary Heritage of Latin America and the Caribbean" by UNESCO. In September 2018, it was awarded the Diploma of Merit as one of the "five best institutions of the last decade" awarded by the Konex Foundation. In April 2022, it finally opened its own headquarters in downtown Buenos Aires thanks to the support of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation.

However, these national and international recognitions do not prevent the ultraliberal and reactionary gale currently raging in Argentina from threatening CeDInCI’s existence. The Centre we are defending was born as a commitment to convert the dispersed and privatized heritage of the various social movements into a common heritage, available to all in a collective space and accessible both in person and virtually. But as we know, neoliberalism is above all a vast enterprise of appropriation not only of a country's natural resources, but also and above all of the social, political and cultural conditions of commonwealth. The neoliberal government rejects not only any form of regulation at the macroeconomic level, but also any form of social regulation, any form of decision-making by a social collective over its own destiny. Even elementary forms of social action such as the sharing of cultural heritage (a popular library) or the communal management of basic foodstuffs (a soup kitchen), today appear as obstacles that hinder the declared goal: a society atomized into possessive and competitive individuals, freed to the blind automatism of the free market. It is nothing other than the local version of the global expansion of the far right, which is putting democracy under strain in various latitudes.

In this context, and just a few days before its 26th anniversary, CeDInCI has seen an increase in the cost of maintaining its buildings and, at the same time, its financial resources and work team have been drastically reduced. The aggressive austerity policies by the national government have even eliminated the modest subsidy that CeDInCI, along with other scientific institutions in the country, received from the dismantled Ministry of Science and Technology. At the same time, taxes and local services (electricity, water, cloud, etc.) for its headquarters have skyrocketed.

The largest cultural and political archive of the left in Latin America, which safeguards the heritage of every protest, revolutionary, progressive, feminist and dissident movement on our continent, is therefore at risk.

We invite all those who encourage the work that CeDInCI has been doing for 26 years to support it by making a voluntary contribution of around 10 €/US$ per month, or an annual contribution of 100 €/US$. Payments can be made by clicking on the following link: https://cedinci.org/dona-cedinci/#suscripciones

We thank you for your cooperation. We would be grateful if you could pass this message on to all your contacts who are committed to supporting cultural heritage as a common good.


First members of the International Association of Friends of CeDInCI:


Enzo Traverso (Cornell University), Silvia Federici (State University of New York at Buffalo), Pablo Yankelevich (El Colegio de México), Daniel James (Indiana University), Bruno Groppo (Centre d’Histoire Sociale du XXe Siècle – Université de París I Panthéon Sorbonne / Università di Padova), Pierre Salama (professeur émérite des universités Sorbonne Paris Nord), Hanno Ehrlicher (Ruprecht Karls Universität Heidelberg), Arturo Taracena (UNAM-Mérida, México), Gerardo Caetano (Universidad de la República), Axel Gasquet (Université Clermont Auvergne – CNRS), Marcelo Ridenti (Unicamp), Roberto Massari (Massari editore, Red Utopia Rossa)…

domenica 5 gennaio 2014

¿EXISTE LA COOPERACIÓN INTERNACIONAL?, por Marcelo Colussi

Relata cierta historia que alguna vez el presidente de Estados Unidos salió a hacer una gira por países amigos… y a la tarde ya estaba de regreso. ¿Hay amigos en política? No, definitivamente no: sólo intereses.
Si entendemos por política las relaciones de poder, en otros términos: el arte o técnica de gobernar, de mandar, de ejercer ese poder, la solidaridad, el amor y el cariño no entran en su ámbito. Esto último está en el lado de la amistad, de la generosidad, de la entrega desinteresada. El ejercicio del poder no tiene absolutamente nada que ver con eso. Es una pura cuestión de intereses, de cálculo, de dominio de uno sobre otro (dialéctica del Amo y del Esclavo se le llamó).
De ahí, entonces, que la pregunta en torno a si es posible la cooperación entre países nos remite a la dura realidad que intenta ilustrar el chiste con que abrimos el texto: la cooperación internacional es, en definitiva, un mecanismo más de control y sojuzgamiento de las potencias del Norte sobre los empobrecidos y saqueados países del Sur. Si se dan algunas monedas, no es por un sentimiento de culpa; en todo caso eso constituye un mecanismo más al servicio de la dominación (colchones para hacer más tolerable la miseria y que no revienten rebeliones populares, limosnas que sólo sirven para paliar pero que no tocan las verdaderas causas estructurales de las asimetrías). En otros términos: mantenimiento de las injusticias pero con rostro humano.

RED UTOPIA ROJA – Principles / Principios / Princìpi / Principes / Princípios

a) The end does not justify the means, but the means which we use must reflect the essence of the end.

b) Support for the struggle of all peoples against imperialism and/or for their self determination, independently of their political leaderships.

c) For the autonomy and total independence from the political projects of capitalism.

d) The unity of the workers of the world - intellectual and physical workers, without ideological discrimination of any kind (apart from the basics of anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism and of socialism).

e) Fight against political bureaucracies, for direct and councils democracy.

f) Save all life on the Planet, save humanity.

g) For a Red Utopist, cultural work and artistic creation in particular, represent the noblest revolutionary attempt to fight against fear and death. Each creation is an act of love for life, and at the same time a proposal for humanization.

* * *

a) El fin no justifica los medios, y en los medios que empleamos debe estar reflejada la esencia del fin.

b) Apoyo a las luchas de todos los pueblos contra el imperialismo y/o por su autodeterminación, independientemente de sus direcciones políticas.

c) Por la autonomía y la independencia total respecto a los proyectos políticos del capitalismo.

d) Unidad del mundo del trabajo intelectual y físico, sin discriminaciones ideológicas de ningún tipo, fuera de la identidad “anticapitalista, antiimperialista y por el socialismo”.

e) Lucha contra las burocracias políticas, por la democracia directa y consejista.

f) Salvar la vida sobre la Tierra, salvar a la humanidad.

g) Para un Utopista Rojo el trabajo cultural y la creación artística en particular son el más noble intento revolucionario de lucha contra los miedos y la muerte. Toda creación es un acto de amor a la vida, por lo mismo es una propuesta de humanización.

* * *

a) Il fine non giustifica i mezzi, ma nei mezzi che impieghiamo dev’essere riflessa l’essenza del fine.

b) Sostegno alle lotte di tutti i popoli contro l’imperialismo e/o per la loro autodeterminazione, indipendentemente dalle loro direzioni politiche.

c) Per l’autonomia e l’indipendenza totale dai progetti politici del capitalismo.

d) Unità del mondo del lavoro mentale e materiale, senza discriminazioni ideologiche di alcun tipo (a parte le «basi anticapitaliste, antimperialiste e per il socialismo».

e) Lotta contro le burocrazie politiche, per la democrazia diretta e consigliare.

f) Salvare la vita sulla Terra, salvare l’umanità.

g) Per un Utopista Rosso il lavoro culturale e la creazione artistica in particolare rappresentano il più nobile tentativo rivoluzionario per lottare contro le paure e la morte. Ogni creazione è un atto d’amore per la vita, e allo stesso tempo una proposta di umanizzazione.

* * *

a) La fin ne justifie pas les moyens, et dans les moyens que nous utilisons doit apparaître l'essence de la fin projetée.

b) Appui aux luttes de tous les peuples menées contre l'impérialisme et/ou pour leur autodétermination, indépendamment de leurs directions politiques.

c) Pour l'autonomie et la totale indépendance par rapport aux projets politiques du capitalisme.

d) Unité du monde du travail intellectuel et manuel, sans discriminations idéologiques d'aucun type, en dehors de l'identité "anticapitaliste, anti-impérialiste et pour le socialisme".

e) Lutte contre les bureaucraties politiques, et pour la démocratie directe et conseilliste.

f) Sauver la vie sur Terre, sauver l'Humanité.

g) Pour un Utopiste Rouge, le travail culturel, et plus particulièrement la création artistique, représentent la plus noble tentative révolutionnaire pour lutter contre la peur et contre la mort. Toute création est un acte d'amour pour la vie, et en même temps une proposition d'humanisation.

* * *

a) O fim não justifica os médios, e os médios utilizados devem reflectir a essência do fim.

b) Apoio às lutas de todos os povos contra o imperialismo e/ou pela auto-determinação, independentemente das direcções políticas deles.

c) Pela autonomia e a independência respeito total para com os projectos políticos do capitalismo.

d) Unidade do mundo do trabalho intelectual e físico, sem discriminações ideológicas de nenhum tipo, fora da identidade “anti-capitalista, anti-imperialista e pelo socialismo”.

e) Luta contra as burocracias políticas, pela democracia directa e dos conselhos.

f) Salvar a vida na Terra, salvar a humanidade.

g) Para um Utopista Vermelho o trabalho cultural e a criação artística em particular representam os mais nobres tentativos revolucionários por lutar contra os medos e a morte. Cada criação é um ato de amor para com a vida e, no mesmo tempo, uma proposta de humanização.