L’associazione Utopia rossa considera suo fondamento politico il principio secondo cui il fine non giustifica i mezzi, ma nei mezzi si deve riflettere l’essenza del fine. Non ha programmi politici, come del resto non ne aveva la Prima internazionale. Nonostante le più diverse provenienze ideologiche dei suoi sostenitori, essa ritiene che l’anticapitalismo dilagato dopo l’inizio dell’Antirivoluzione russa (dicembre 1917) sia stato motivato fondamentalmente da idee precapitalistiche, cioè retrograde, e non da progetti di civiltà in grado di superare il capitalismo sviluppando ulteriormente i suoi modelli di democrazia. Ciò spiega anche il prevalere, nella storia della cosiddetta «sinistra», di simpatie per i regimi dittatoriali di ogni specie e colore. Utopia rossa si batte contro l’ulteriore diffusione di ideologie precapitalistiche vecchie e nuove (in campo politico, culturale, ecologico, religioso ecc.), come parte della sua battaglia per il superamento del capitalismo, se si vuole salvare la vita sulla Terra con la sua umanità. In questo senso la sua utopia continua ad essere rossa.

The Red Utopia association considers its political foundation to be the principle that the end does not justify the means, but that the means must reflect the essence of the end. It has no political program, just as the First International did not. Despite the diverse ideological backgrounds of its supporters, it believes that the anti-capitalism that spread after the start of the Russian Anti-Revolution (December 1917) was fundamentally motivated by pre-capitalist – that is, retrograde – ideas, and not by civilizational projects capable of overcoming capitalism and of further developing its democratic models. This also explains the prevalence, throughout the history of the so-called «left», of sympathies for dictatorial regimes of all kinds and colors. Red Utopia fights against the further spread of old and new pre-capitalist ideologies (in the political, cultural, ecological, religious, and other fields) as part of its battle to overcome capitalism, if life on Earth, including its humanity, is to be saved. In this sense, its utopia remains red.

PER SAPERNE DI PIÙ CI SONO UNA COLLANA DI LIBRI E UN BLOG IN VARIE LINGUE…

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martedì 2 febbraio 2016

JOZEF TISO: PRESIDENT, PRIEST AND NAZI COLLABORATOR, by Peter Gorenflos

HITLER’S CATHOLIC MARIONETTE IN SLOVAKIA, THE SIX-WEEK SUSPENSION OF THE DEPORTATIONS OR PACELLI’S LAME EXCUSE

IN CINQUE LINGUE (Inglese, Italiano, Tedesco, Ceco, Russo)
IN FIVE LANGUAGES (English, Italian, German, Czech, Russian)

Introduction

In his thesis on the Slovakian holocaust, the Israeli historian Yeshayahu Andrej Jelinek describes how there had already been regular pogroms in the piece of land that was to become Slovakia before the beginning of Slovakian nationalism in the 19th century. But these were not the usual kinds of pogrom. It was not only the Jews who were plundered in order to obtain riches: it was also the nobility, the clergy and the slowly developing bourgeoisie. The word “pogrom” had not even existed in the Slovakian language at that time. These raids, called “rabovačka”, had more of an anarchistic character and were characterised by social bitterness and the desire for fair distribution of means rather than religious hatred. Since the 19th century, the Slovakian social elite was predominantly Lutheran; only towards the end of the century did the Catholic Slovakian People’s Party [“Ľudáks”] form, based on the Hungarian model, which had been named after its leader, a Papal chamberlain, since the 1920s – the Hlinka Party. Its policies were predominantly anti-Czech but parts of it also increasingly took on anti-Semitic traits, especially after Hitler has seized power. The slogan issued by the new government of the federal Slovakian partial republic in 1938, “Enrich yourselves!”, was then also taken up by the people, who primarily took advantage of the property of defenceless Jews.

Background

Eugenio Pacelli was elected Pope on 2 March 1939 as Pius XII and enthroned ten days later. He was more Nazi-friendly than his predecessor Pius XI, who regularly became enraged: not because of any rule of terror or warmongering on the part of Hitler, but because of violations of the concordat, violations of Catholic interests. Hitler was simply the lesser of two evils with whose aid the greater evil, the seizure of power by the German Communist Party according to the Soviet model, was to be prevented. Apart from that, National Socialism – for all the common elements that were constantly being emphasised by both sides – was above all an ideological competitor: Heart-of-Jesus cult versus blood-and-soil cult. Himmler’s paper, “Das Schwarze Korps” [“The Black Corps”], had in any case no longer attacked the Catholic church since Pacelli had become Pope.

JOZEF TISO: PRÄSIDENT, PRIESTER UND NAZI-KOLLABORATEUR, von Peter Gorenflos

HITLERS KATHOLISCHE MARIONETTE IN DER SLOWAKEI, DER SECHSWÖCHIGE DEPORTATIONS-STOPP ODER PACELLIS FAULES ALIBI

IN CINQUE LINGUE (Inglese, Italiano, Tedesco, Ceco, Russo)
IN FÜNF SPRACHEN (Englisch, Italienisch, Deutsch, Tschechisch, Russisch)

Einführung

In seiner Arbeit über den slowakischen Holocaust beschreibt der israelische Historiker Yeshayahu Andrej Jelinek, wie es schon vor Beginn des slowakischen Nationalismus im 19. Jahrhundert, ja schon seit dem Mittelalter, regelmäßige Plünderungen in dem Landstrich gab, der später die Slowakei wurde. Man bereicherte sich hier allerdings ohne die sonst üblichen Pogrome, nicht nur an der jüdischen Bevölkerung, sondern auch am Adel, am Klerus, an der sich langsam entwickelnden Bourgeoisie. Das Wort Pogrom existierte noch nicht einmal in der slowakischen Sprache. Diese „rabovačka” genannten Raubzüge hatten mehr anarchistischen Charakter, waren von sozialer Bitterkeit geprägt, vom Wunsch nach gerechten materiellen Verhältnissen und weniger von religiösem Hass. Seit dem 19. Jahrhundert war die gesellschaftliche Elite der Slowakei vor allem lutherisch, erst gegen Ende des Jahrhunderts bildete sich die katholische Slowakische Volkspartei [„Ľudáks”] nach ungarischem Vorbild heraus, die seit den 1920er Jahren nach ihrem Vorsitzenden, einem päpstlichen Kammerherrn, auch einfach nur Hlinka-Partei genannt wurde. Ihre Politik war insbesondere anti-tschechisch orientiert, trug aber in einigen Teilen, vor allem nach der Machtergreifung Hitlers, zunehmend antisemitische Züge. Die von der neuen Regierung föderativen slowakischen Teilrepublik 1938 ausgegebene Parole „Bereichert Euch!” wurde dann auch von der Bevölkerung angenommen, die sich vor allem am Eigentum wehrloser Juden schadlos hielt.

Vorgeschichte

Eugenio Pacelli wurde am 2. März 1939 zum Papst Pius XII. gewählt und zehn Tage später inthronisiert. Er war Nazi-freundlicher als sein Vorgänger Pius XI., der regelmäßig in Rage geriet, nicht etwa wegen der Terrorherrschaft oder Kriegstreiberei Hitlers, sondern wegen Verletzungen des Konkordates, Verletzungen katholischer Interessen. Hitler war ja nur das kleinere Übel, mit dem man das größere, die Machtübernahme durch die KPD nach sowjetischem Vorbild, verhindern wollte. Ansonsten war der Nationalsozialismus – bei von allen Seiten ständig betonten Gemeinsamkeiten – v.a. auch ideologischer Konkurrent: Herz-Jesu-Kult versus Blut-und-Boden-Kult. Himmlers Blatt „Das Schwarze Korps” hatte seit Pacellis Regierungsantritt die katholische Kirche jedenfalls nicht mehr angegriffen.

RED UTOPIA ROJA – Principles / Principios / Princìpi / Principes / Princípios

a) The end does not justify the means, but the means which we use must reflect the essence of the end.

b) Support for the struggle of all peoples against imperialism and/or for their self determination, independently of their political leaderships.

c) For the autonomy and total independence from the political projects of capitalism.

d) The unity of the workers of the world - intellectual and physical workers, without ideological discrimination of any kind (apart from the basics of anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism and of socialism).

e) Fight against political bureaucracies, for direct and councils democracy.

f) Save all life on the Planet, save humanity.

g) For a Red Utopist, cultural work and artistic creation in particular, represent the noblest revolutionary attempt to fight against fear and death. Each creation is an act of love for life, and at the same time a proposal for humanization.

* * *

a) El fin no justifica los medios, y en los medios que empleamos debe estar reflejada la esencia del fin.

b) Apoyo a las luchas de todos los pueblos contra el imperialismo y/o por su autodeterminación, independientemente de sus direcciones políticas.

c) Por la autonomía y la independencia total respecto a los proyectos políticos del capitalismo.

d) Unidad del mundo del trabajo intelectual y físico, sin discriminaciones ideológicas de ningún tipo, fuera de la identidad “anticapitalista, antiimperialista y por el socialismo”.

e) Lucha contra las burocracias políticas, por la democracia directa y consejista.

f) Salvar la vida sobre la Tierra, salvar a la humanidad.

g) Para un Utopista Rojo el trabajo cultural y la creación artística en particular son el más noble intento revolucionario de lucha contra los miedos y la muerte. Toda creación es un acto de amor a la vida, por lo mismo es una propuesta de humanización.

* * *

a) Il fine non giustifica i mezzi, ma nei mezzi che impieghiamo dev’essere riflessa l’essenza del fine.

b) Sostegno alle lotte di tutti i popoli contro l’imperialismo e/o per la loro autodeterminazione, indipendentemente dalle loro direzioni politiche.

c) Per l’autonomia e l’indipendenza totale dai progetti politici del capitalismo.

d) Unità del mondo del lavoro mentale e materiale, senza discriminazioni ideologiche di alcun tipo (a parte le «basi anticapitaliste, antimperialiste e per il socialismo».

e) Lotta contro le burocrazie politiche, per la democrazia diretta e consigliare.

f) Salvare la vita sulla Terra, salvare l’umanità.

g) Per un Utopista Rosso il lavoro culturale e la creazione artistica in particolare rappresentano il più nobile tentativo rivoluzionario per lottare contro le paure e la morte. Ogni creazione è un atto d’amore per la vita, e allo stesso tempo una proposta di umanizzazione.

* * *

a) La fin ne justifie pas les moyens, et dans les moyens que nous utilisons doit apparaître l'essence de la fin projetée.

b) Appui aux luttes de tous les peuples menées contre l'impérialisme et/ou pour leur autodétermination, indépendamment de leurs directions politiques.

c) Pour l'autonomie et la totale indépendance par rapport aux projets politiques du capitalisme.

d) Unité du monde du travail intellectuel et manuel, sans discriminations idéologiques d'aucun type, en dehors de l'identité "anticapitaliste, anti-impérialiste et pour le socialisme".

e) Lutte contre les bureaucraties politiques, et pour la démocratie directe et conseilliste.

f) Sauver la vie sur Terre, sauver l'Humanité.

g) Pour un Utopiste Rouge, le travail culturel, et plus particulièrement la création artistique, représentent la plus noble tentative révolutionnaire pour lutter contre la peur et contre la mort. Toute création est un acte d'amour pour la vie, et en même temps une proposition d'humanisation.

* * *

a) O fim não justifica os médios, e os médios utilizados devem reflectir a essência do fim.

b) Apoio às lutas de todos os povos contra o imperialismo e/ou pela auto-determinação, independentemente das direcções políticas deles.

c) Pela autonomia e a independência respeito total para com os projectos políticos do capitalismo.

d) Unidade do mundo do trabalho intelectual e físico, sem discriminações ideológicas de nenhum tipo, fora da identidade “anti-capitalista, anti-imperialista e pelo socialismo”.

e) Luta contra as burocracias políticas, pela democracia directa e dos conselhos.

f) Salvar a vida na Terra, salvar a humanidade.

g) Para um Utopista Vermelho o trabalho cultural e a criação artística em particular representam os mais nobres tentativos revolucionários por lutar contra os medos e a morte. Cada criação é um ato de amor para com a vida e, no mesmo tempo, uma proposta de humanização.