L’associazione Utopia rossa considera suo fondamento politico il principio secondo cui il fine non giustifica i mezzi, ma nei mezzi si deve riflettere l’essenza del fine. Non ha programmi politici, come del resto non ne aveva la Prima internazionale. Nonostante le più diverse provenienze ideologiche dei suoi sostenitori, essa ritiene che l’anticapitalismo dilagato dopo l’inizio dell’Antirivoluzione russa (dicembre 1917) sia stato motivato fondamentalmente da idee precapitalistiche, cioè retrograde, e non da progetti di civiltà in grado di superare il capitalismo sviluppando ulteriormente i suoi modelli di democrazia. Ciò spiega anche il prevalere, nella storia della cosiddetta «sinistra», di simpatie per i regimi dittatoriali di ogni specie e colore. Utopia rossa si batte contro l’ulteriore diffusione di ideologie precapitalistiche vecchie e nuove (in campo politico, culturale, ecologico, religioso ecc.), come parte della sua battaglia per il superamento del capitalismo, se si vuole salvare la vita sulla Terra con la sua umanità. In questo senso la sua utopia continua ad essere rossa.

The Red Utopia association considers its political foundation to be the principle that the end does not justify the means, but that the means must reflect the essence of the end. It has no political program, just as the First International did not. Despite the diverse ideological backgrounds of its supporters, it believes that the anti-capitalism that spread after the start of the Russian Anti-Revolution (December 1917) was fundamentally motivated by pre-capitalist – that is, retrograde – ideas, and not by civilizational projects capable of overcoming capitalism and of further developing its democratic models. This also explains the prevalence, throughout the history of the so-called «left», of sympathies for dictatorial regimes of all kinds and colors. Red Utopia fights against the further spread of old and new pre-capitalist ideologies (in the political, cultural, ecological, religious, and other fields) as part of its battle to overcome capitalism, if life on Earth, including its humanity, is to be saved. In this sense, its utopia remains red.

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domenica 21 maggio 2023

IMAGINARIOS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN. UNA INVITACIÓN A LA LECTURA DEL 18 BRUMARIO DE LUIS BONAPARTE

A los 140 años de la muerte de Marx


por Horacio Tarcus

(Historiador argentino, fundador del Centro de Documentación e Investigación de la Cultura de Izquierdas [CeDInCI], miembro de la redacción internacional de Utopía Roja)

Una instalación artística de Marx en Tréveris [Tier, Trèves, Treviri], Alemania

Las revoluciones republicanas y democráticas que se expandieron en 1848 por Europa occidental, sacudiendo el poder de las monarquías de la Santa Alianza, concluyeron en el lapso de dos o tres años con graves derrotas del movimiento popular. Aunque Europa ya no sería la misma después de la “Primavera de los pueblos”, en 1852 el ciclo revolucionario se había cerrado con una reafirmación del orden imperial en el plano político y una expansión vigorosa del sistema capitalista en buena parte del continente.
El desarrollo del proceso político francés apareció a los ojos de los contemporáneos como sede de una serie de paradojas. La tan anhelada Segunda República francesa no alcanzó a cumplir siquiera cuatro años de vida, frustrando a lo largo de su desarrollo todas las expectativas populares. El triunfador de la primera elección presidencial de la historia francesa, celebrada en diciembre de 1848 bajo el régimen del sufragio universal masculino, no fue el general Cavaignac, representante de los republicanos moderados (cosechó apenas el 19% de los votos), ni mucho menos Ledru-Rollin, exponente de los demócratas-socialistas que habían llevado a cabo la Revolución de Febrero de 1848 (que alcanzó un escaso 5%). Quien conquistó una victoria arrasadora (74% de los votos) en esa primera elección republicana fue Luis Napoleón, sobrino de Napoleón I y último heredero de una dinastía imperial, los Bonaparte.
Este actor hasta poco tiempo antes externo al juego político —Luis Napoleón había vivido casi treinta años fuera de Francia—, regresó a su país poco después de la Revolución de Febrero. A pesar de no formar parte de ninguno de los partidos en pugna ni contar con un órgano de prensa, no tardó en instalarse en el centro de la escena pública. En un escenario de crisis política, el carácter difuso de su ideología contribuyó a que diversos sectores sociales y fuerzas políticas se vieran representadas en él. Mientras se enfrentaba a una Asamblea Nacional dominada por sectores conservadores que querían retornar al voto censitario (un sistema electoral que restringía el derecho de voto a los propietarios y dejaba fuera a tres millones de franceses), el sobrino de Napoleón Bonaparte conquistó la adhesión de numerosos artesanos y trabajadores. Su oposición a la Ley Falloux, sancionada por la Asamblea y favorable a la enseñanza religiosa, le granjeó la simpatía de la burguesía anticlerical, al mismo tiempo que su defensa del orden y la tradición tras los tiempos agitados de la Revolución le valieron el apoyo de los católicos. Los campesinos de la Francia rural, ajenos en gran medida al juego político que se libraba en París e incapaces de construir su propia representación política, vieron sobre todo en Luis Bonaparte a un protector, el heredero natural de una Francia gloriosa, mientras que los republicanos moderados, incapaces de postular a uno de sus propios hombres, confiaron en su propia capacidad para mantenerlo bajo control.
>>> Leggere testo completo >>gt;

lunedì 11 marzo 2013

VICTOR SERGE’S RED UTOPIA, by Roberto Massari

Problème essentiel: il faut prendre parti, il y a toujours une vérité à chercher, à trouver, à défendre, une vérité qui oblige, impérative. Ni action ni pensée valable sans intransigeance. L’intransigeance c’est la fermeté, c’est l’être. Comment la concilier avec le respect de l’être différent, de la pensée différente […]
J’aperçois une solution. L’intransigeance combative, contrôlée par une rigueur aussi objective que possible et par une règle absolue de respect d’autrui - de respect de l‘ennemi même…
(V. Serge, Carnets, October 2, 1944)*

Massari editore, 2011
There is an anarchist Victor Serge who, having survived prison and internment, joins the Russian revolutionary movement in 1919, becoming the “Bolshevik” Serge who in the summer of 1920 writes a scarcely libertarian panegyric of the ongoing process:
“Whoever says revolution says violence. All violence is dictatorial. All violence imposes the sort of will which shatters resistance … I admit not being able to conceive the possibility of being a revolutionary (unless it is in a purely individualistic manner) and not acknowledging the necessity of the proletarian dictatorship … even at the risk of dying, of immediately losing their lives in the hands of a triumphant reactionary dictatorship, it shall be necessary that revolutionaries establish very soon their own dictatorship”1.
And there is a Victor Serge - an exceptional fugitive from the extermination of the Old Guard Bolsheviks, after three years of Siberian confinement (Orenburg in the Urals), exiled in Mexico and already seduced by the idea of an indispensable revolutionary synthesis of the libertarian and the Marxist thought - who writes in the summer of 1947, just a few months away from death:
“Totalitarianism, just as it has been established in the USSR, in the Third Reich and feebly formulated in Fascist Italy and elsewhere, is a regime characterized by the despotic exploitation of work, by the collectivization of production, the terrorist monopoly of the bureaucracy and the police, the subjugation of thought, the myth of the symbolic leader …
In this sense, proletarian revolution is not anymore, for me, our goal; the revolution we intend to serve cannot be any other thing than socialist, in the humanist sense of the term and, more exactly, socializing, achieved in a democratic, libertarian way”2.
In between we find the big events of the XX Century (the stormy postwar, the Russian revolution, the rising of Stalinism, the insurrectional attempts in various countries, the division of the world into two blocks, the historical defeat of the organized workers’ movement) lived first-hand by a great Belgian-Russian writer naturalized as … cosmopolitan.
1. A primary and thrilling aspect of the book is given through the fact that the Author is addressing us, mankind and History (with capital letters) from the inside of those big events - or from above their ruins, as one could say, while the narration unravels itself. The great tragedies of the XX Century are “told” by a direct interpreter, a participating actor, a critical spirit, polyglot, libertarian Marxist, untamable and incorruptible, a humanitarian revolutionary who has turned the quest for freedom into a raison d’etre, more than just a question of social conflict or political reflection, that is, a life lived in a lucid revolutionary manner.
As he gets in touch with the story, the reader, even one who may not be familiar with these topics, will become conscious of the fact that the strongest (the most decisive) of those events - most stimulating in its origins and disastrous in its precocious and tragic epilogue - was the Russian revolution: from the fall of the Tsarist empire to the popular revolution of February 1917, from the workers’ conquest of power to the victory of the single party bureaucratic dictatorship: up to the establishment of the autocratic despotism of an all-powerful Leader - who, to make things worse, was a psychopath - going through the extermination of the internal old guard of the soviets movement (anarchists, social-revolutionaries, leftist Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, Workers’ opposition, freethinkers, etc.), the use of forced or enslaved work3, the destruction of any possibility of dissent as well as of the main achievements of the working class, the annihilation of any form of auto-organization in the countryside, the complete extermination of populations and ethnic groups, the holocaust of around 15-20 million citizens, mostly Soviet, in the horrendous Gulag ramifications. A crime against the Russian people, against the international workers’ movement, against mankind and its most ancient laws and cultural achievements that could only be defined today as a systematic “crime against humanity”, yet to be surpassed a) in geographic extension, b) amount of victims and c) its duration in time.
>>> Leggere testo completo >>gt;
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RED UTOPIA ROJA – Principles / Principios / Princìpi / Principes / Princípios

a) The end does not justify the means, but the means which we use must reflect the essence of the end.

b) Support for the struggle of all peoples against imperialism and/or for their self determination, independently of their political leaderships.

c) For the autonomy and total independence from the political projects of capitalism.

d) The unity of the workers of the world - intellectual and physical workers, without ideological discrimination of any kind (apart from the basics of anti-capitalism, anti-imperialism and of socialism).

e) Fight against political bureaucracies, for direct and councils democracy.

f) Save all life on the Planet, save humanity.

g) For a Red Utopist, cultural work and artistic creation in particular, represent the noblest revolutionary attempt to fight against fear and death. Each creation is an act of love for life, and at the same time a proposal for humanization.

* * *

a) El fin no justifica los medios, y en los medios que empleamos debe estar reflejada la esencia del fin.

b) Apoyo a las luchas de todos los pueblos contra el imperialismo y/o por su autodeterminación, independientemente de sus direcciones políticas.

c) Por la autonomía y la independencia total respecto a los proyectos políticos del capitalismo.

d) Unidad del mundo del trabajo intelectual y físico, sin discriminaciones ideológicas de ningún tipo, fuera de la identidad “anticapitalista, antiimperialista y por el socialismo”.

e) Lucha contra las burocracias políticas, por la democracia directa y consejista.

f) Salvar la vida sobre la Tierra, salvar a la humanidad.

g) Para un Utopista Rojo el trabajo cultural y la creación artística en particular son el más noble intento revolucionario de lucha contra los miedos y la muerte. Toda creación es un acto de amor a la vida, por lo mismo es una propuesta de humanización.

* * *

a) Il fine non giustifica i mezzi, ma nei mezzi che impieghiamo dev’essere riflessa l’essenza del fine.

b) Sostegno alle lotte di tutti i popoli contro l’imperialismo e/o per la loro autodeterminazione, indipendentemente dalle loro direzioni politiche.

c) Per l’autonomia e l’indipendenza totale dai progetti politici del capitalismo.

d) Unità del mondo del lavoro mentale e materiale, senza discriminazioni ideologiche di alcun tipo (a parte le «basi anticapitaliste, antimperialiste e per il socialismo».

e) Lotta contro le burocrazie politiche, per la democrazia diretta e consigliare.

f) Salvare la vita sulla Terra, salvare l’umanità.

g) Per un Utopista Rosso il lavoro culturale e la creazione artistica in particolare rappresentano il più nobile tentativo rivoluzionario per lottare contro le paure e la morte. Ogni creazione è un atto d’amore per la vita, e allo stesso tempo una proposta di umanizzazione.

* * *

a) La fin ne justifie pas les moyens, et dans les moyens que nous utilisons doit apparaître l'essence de la fin projetée.

b) Appui aux luttes de tous les peuples menées contre l'impérialisme et/ou pour leur autodétermination, indépendamment de leurs directions politiques.

c) Pour l'autonomie et la totale indépendance par rapport aux projets politiques du capitalisme.

d) Unité du monde du travail intellectuel et manuel, sans discriminations idéologiques d'aucun type, en dehors de l'identité "anticapitaliste, anti-impérialiste et pour le socialisme".

e) Lutte contre les bureaucraties politiques, et pour la démocratie directe et conseilliste.

f) Sauver la vie sur Terre, sauver l'Humanité.

g) Pour un Utopiste Rouge, le travail culturel, et plus particulièrement la création artistique, représentent la plus noble tentative révolutionnaire pour lutter contre la peur et contre la mort. Toute création est un acte d'amour pour la vie, et en même temps une proposition d'humanisation.

* * *

a) O fim não justifica os médios, e os médios utilizados devem reflectir a essência do fim.

b) Apoio às lutas de todos os povos contra o imperialismo e/ou pela auto-determinação, independentemente das direcções políticas deles.

c) Pela autonomia e a independência respeito total para com os projectos políticos do capitalismo.

d) Unidade do mundo do trabalho intelectual e físico, sem discriminações ideológicas de nenhum tipo, fora da identidade “anti-capitalista, anti-imperialista e pelo socialismo”.

e) Luta contra as burocracias políticas, pela democracia directa e dos conselhos.

f) Salvar a vida na Terra, salvar a humanidade.

g) Para um Utopista Vermelho o trabalho cultural e a criação artística em particular representam os mais nobres tentativos revolucionários por lutar contra os medos e a morte. Cada criação é um ato de amor para com a vida e, no mesmo tempo, uma proposta de humanização.